What Naftali Bennett must do to become Israel's next Prime Minister
NAFTALI BENNETT – his character holds a truly promising advantage: he doesn’t h
(photo credit: MARC ISRAEL SELLEM/THE JERUSALEM POST)
‘Polls are like perfume,” said once Shimon Peres, “they are good to smell but bad to drink.”
This priceless insight was not Peres’s intuition, but his experience, aving lost multiple elections that polls claimed he would win.
Naftali Bennett must bear this in mind as he basks in Channel 12’s poll this week, which suggested that if elections were held today, the former defense minister would win 23 seats, a mere three less than his archrival, former boss and alter ego, Benjamin Netanyahu.Now, as the two’s confrontation steadily approaches, Bennett must consider what to do and what not to do, so his growing popularity does not evaporate by the day of its ultimate test.BENNETT’S SUCCESS is, for now, less a statement about him than about Netanyahu. Bennett appeals to his new following not because of who he is, but because of who he is not.Bennett’s biggest electoral asset right now is his stint as defense minister. Though it lasted hardly half a year, it helped him get rid of his image as a frivolous, superficial and sloganeering summer-camp counselor, and recast him as a serious, unconventional and enterprising manager.Having invested himself at the time in battling the pandemic, he proved to possess all the businesslike impartiality and willingness to delegate that Netanyahu failed to display.Netanyahu’s failure to let the IDF lead the war on the plague, despite its possession of all the resources and plans this task requires, made many believe he was driven by alien agendas. Netanyahu evidently feared that deploying the IDF would give Bennett too much visibility.Bennett’s request after the last general election to become health minister, and Netanyahu’s refusal to heed that very reasonable offer, enhanced the impression that Netanyahu’s conduct is vindictive and cowardly, while Bennett’s is impersonal and patriotic.Netanyahu’s subsequent failure to assign the plague’s management to the IDF even after Bennett’s succession by Benny Gantz, bolstered the suspicion that his considerations were personal rather than systemic, and thus further boosted Bennett’s popularity.All this produced the second asset Bennett now wields, which is the image of a hounded underdog.Beyond these circumstantial assets, Bennett’s character holds a truly promising advantage: he doesn’t hate. Netanyahu hates. He was raised by a bitter father who felt he was rejected by Israeli academia, and compelled to move abroad, due to his right-wing views and his past as Vladimir Jabotinsky’s aide.With or without connection to this history, Netanyahu-the-son habitually speaks divisively, reviling judges, journalists, cops and demonstrators as “the Left.”Bennett’s parents, products of postwar San Francisco, were removed from the kind of political acrimony that animated Netanyahu’s upbringing. With or without connection to his Californian roots, Bennett never speaks hatred: not about the Left, not about the courts, not about the press, or the academics, or the Arab politicians with whom he disagrees. That is why no one hates Bennett.Considering where this society has arrived, this disposition is the most crucial asset Bennett brings as his prime ministerial contention matures. Israeli society needs dialogue, appeasement, listening and healing, and these will never be delivered by someone laden with hate.Then again, with all due respect to his managerial skills and amicable personality, Bennett’s leadership bid will crash if he doesn’t assemble a powerful list of Knesset candidates and present a post-Netanyahu era’s vision and plan.TO WIN a general election Bennett must produce a varied list of impressive candidates, the way Yair Lapid did when he brought together an eclectic collection of academics, mayors, social activists, rabbis, generals, police and Mossad veterans and others.Before enlisting this team Bennett must present a platform for social reconciliation and national reconstruction. Yes, he has come to be identified with a quest for efficient administration and impartial government. That’s important but far from enough.People need to know what his plans are for treating the deficits the plague has dug, for rehabilitating the businesses it has debilitated, for overhauling the medical system it has challenged, for reforming the education system whose ailments he failed to cure as education minister, and the list goes on.The need to display a vision for a post-Netanyahu era begins with the prospective leader’s personal conduct. Fortunately, Bennett lacks Netanyahu’s weakness for luxuries. Unfortunately, he, too, talks too much about himself (“as an officer in the General Staff Reconnaissance Unit, I” whatever) and has a weakness for the camera, the microphone and the limelight.Israel has had an overdose of charisma in recent years. What it now needs is the kind of modesty with which the unassuming but very practical Levi Eshkol and Yitzhak Shamir succeeded David Ben-Gurion and Menachem Begin.Beyond humility, to win two dozen Knesset seats Bennett must rise above the nationalist rigidity and religious Orthodoxy that confined his political emergence.Talking annexation, as Netanyahu did before the last election, didn’t work for Netanyahu then and won’t work for Bennett now. Conversely, if Bennett launches a dialogue with Arab leaders – say, the mayors of Nazareth, Sakhnin and Shfaram – he will show he can transcend his sectarian origins.The same goes for religion. Back when he established Yamina, this column warned (“The gospel according to Naftali,” 18 January 2019) that Bennett’s gambit would fail – as it indeed did – because he presented no new idea.Bennett ignored that column’s offer that he discuss publicly the rabbinical politics he evidently detested, and that he openly espouse religious pluralism, not as a political compromise but as a Jewish value. Such an attitude would make Bennett the champion of the traditionalist mainstream, which is neither secular nor Orthodox, and inspire the rise of a new movement, “The Israeli Home.”Twenty months and three electoral setbacks later, that offer still stands
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Copied from the Book; " Reality as Myth " by Onyeji Nnaji The beauty of the discovering of the Radar Rivers and their channels is that it disproves the western hegemonic claim of the Euphrates valley being the position of the birth of the great river, all the points that opposed their claims notwithstanding. Even God himself was very perfect in His creation by placing them in their positions, hierarchically, according to their birth. The first river that flowed located the Havilah land where there are good quality gold, bdellium and fine onyx stones. Pison was the oldest of the rivers and it flowed through the land of the southern Africa. The second river flowed northward to Ethiopia. It was when Africa had been overtaken by virtue of her proximity to the Great Water that other parts of the world began to encounter the remaining river; remarkable with Hiddekel. Subscribe to ajuede.com to be updated on our posts on dailies. The major problem towards
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INTRODUCTION In the history of syntax, prepositions alongside other parts of speech are considered as one of the esteemed contributions of the sophists (the itinerant teachers) to the development of the human language. Etymologically, the term “preposition” belonged to the group of word class Aristotle, the founder, referred to as “syndesmoi”. Others in this group are conjunction , article and pronoun . They were thus grouped by Aristotle because they were found to be performing related functions that are summed up in binding terms and exposing the gaps amidst sentences when they are not included. As a plural term, “syndesmoi” is a collective noun that stands for the group while, conjunction , the part of speech that binds together the discourse and finds gaps in its interpretation was called “syndesmos” (see Robins, 1968). Indicating the function of prepositions, Aristotle called it “Prothesis” (a part of speech placed before other words in a composition
There are four generations…, and the fourth generation, which is the most exalted, is kingless and perfect. These people will enter the holy place of their Father and they will reside in rest … They are kings. They are the immortal within the mortal ( The Nag Hammadi, 219 ) O ne of the African homes that colonialism has completely deformed beyond certain level of recognition is Nsukka. Colonialism apart, the most affecting factor to the survival of the meaning which the rich cultural enclave, Nsukka, carries will best be blamed on postcolonial political structure. The biggest harm all these have against Nsukka as a people is that they rubbed her of the meaning of her name; their place of origin; how their fathers managed to come into their present abodes and who their ancestors were. A profound understanding of the excerpt above will open the door towards deciphering the meaning and origin of the people called Nsukka. Also read Nsukka Civilization: The Peoplin
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Copied from the book, Reality as Myths by Onyeji Nnaji T he world of the Bantu travellers shows the walls of the migration that recorded the highest population among the African settlement. Originating from the largest population among the four races that settled in the east before time, all Bantu travellers were pygmies; for that was the nature of the Umudiala, the generation that gave birth to them. The Wikipedia map for Bantu migrations shown below will be of help towards digesting our descriptions of the Bantu people. Bantu migration was rated the third earliest migration of the Negro race from the east. In this regard, all their movement had involved great population of people compared to the number of people involved in the two earlier populations that gave birth to Ethiopia, Nubia and Egypt: the Walker Traveller, and the Race of Anu. Bantu population as we have identified in the third chapter above outweighs the rest of the population of the ancient fathers